一些女权主义理论提供了一个分析框架,用于理解女性在社交场合中的位置和体验与男性的不同。例如,文化女权主义者将与女性和女性相关的不同价值观视为男性和女性以不同方式体验社会世界的原因。其他女权主义理论家认为,在制度中赋予女性和男性的不同角色可以更好地解释性别差异,包括家庭中的性别分工。存在主义和现象主义的女权主义者关注女性如何被边缘化并被定义为父权制社会中的“他者”。一些女权主义理论家专注于如何通过社会化发展男性气质,以及其发展如何与女孩发展女性的过程相互作用。关注性别不平等的女权主义理论认识到,女性在社交场合中的位置和体验不仅与男性不同,而且与男性不平等。自由主义女权主义者认为女性在道德推理和代理方面具有与男性相同的能力,但父权制,特别是性别歧视分工,历来否定女性有机会表达和实践这种推理。这些动态有助于推动妇女进入家庭的私人领域,并将她们排除在充分参与公共生活之外。自由主义女权主义者指出,在异性恋婚姻中女性存在性别不平等,女性不会因结婚而受益。事实上,这些女权主义理论家声称,已婚女性的压力水平高于未婚女性和已婚男性。因此,需要改变公共和私人领域的性别分工,以使妇女在婚姻中实现平等。性别压迫理论比性别差异和性别不平等理论更进一步,他们认为,不仅男性与男性不同或不平等,而且男性受到积极的压迫,从属,甚至滥用。权力是性别压迫这两个主要理论的关键变量:精神分析女权主义和激进女权主义。精神分析女权主义者试图通过重新阐述弗洛伊德关于人类情感,童年发展以及潜意识和无意识运作的理论来解释男女之间的权力关系。他们认为有意识的计算不能完全解释父权制的生产和再生产。激进的女权主义者认为,作为一个女人本身就是一件好事,但在女权受压迫的父权制社会中并没有承认这一点。他们认为身体暴力是父权制的基础,但他们认为,如果妇女认识到自己的价值和力量,与其他妇女建立信任的姐妹关系,批判性地面对压迫,并形成以女性为基础的分裂主义网络,就可以打败父权制。私人和公共领域。结构性压迫理论认为,女性的压迫和不平等是资本主义,父权制和种族主义的结果​​。社会主义女权主义者同意卡尔·马克思和弗里德里希·恩格斯的观点,认为工人阶级是资本主义的结果​​,但他们试图将这种剥削扩大到阶级而不是性别。交叉性理论家试图解释各种变量的压迫和不平等,包括阶级,性别,种族,民族和年龄。他们提供了重要的见解,并非所有女性都以同样的方式遭受压迫,而压迫妇女和女孩的同样力量也压迫有色人种和其他边缘化群体。在社会中表现出对妇女的结构性压迫,特别是经济压力的一种方式是性别工资差距,这表明男性在同一工作中的收入通常高于女性。这种情况的交叉观点向我们表明,相对于白人的收入,有色人种和有色人种的人甚至会受到进一步的惩罚。在20世纪后期,这种女权主义理论的扩展被扩展到解释资本主义的全球化,以及它的生产方法和积累财富的方式集中在世界各地对女工的剥削上。

澳大利亚迪肯大学社会学论文代写:女权主义

Some feminist theory provides an analytic framework for understanding how women’s location in, and experience of, social situations differ from men’s. For example, cultural feminists look at the different values associated with womanhood and femininity as a reason why men and women experience the social world differently. Other feminist theorists believe that the different roles assigned to women and men within institutions better explain gender difference, including the sexual division of labor in the household. Existential and phenomenological feminists focus on how women have been marginalized and defined as “other” in patriarchal societies. Some feminist theorists focus specifically on how masculinity is developed through socialization, and how its development interacts with the process of developing feminity in girls. Feminist theories that focus on gender inequality recognize that women’s location in, and experience of, social situations are not only different but also unequal to men’s. Liberal feminists argue that women have the same capacity as men for moral reasoning and agency, but that patriarchy, particularly the sexist division of labor, has historically denied women the opportunity to express and practice this reasoning. These dynamics serve to shove women into the private sphere of the household and to exclude them from full participation in public life. Liberal feminists point out that gender inequality exists for women in a heterosexual marriage and that women do not benefit from being married. Indeed, these feminist theorists claim, married women have higher levels of stress than unmarried women and married men. Therefore, the sexual division of labor in both the public and private spheres needs to be altered in order for women to achieve equality in marriage. Theories of gender oppression go further than theories of gender difference and gender inequality by arguing that not only are women different from or unequal to men, but that they are actively oppressed, subordinated, and even abused by men. Power is the key variable in the two main theories of gender oppression: psychoanalytic feminism and radical feminism. Psychoanalytic feminists attempt to explain power relations between men and women by reformulating Freud’s theories of human emotions, childhood development, and the workings of the subconscious and unconscious. They believe that conscious calculation cannot fully explain the production and reproduction of patriarchy. Radical feminists argue that being a woman is a positive thing in and of itself, but that this is not acknowledged in patriarchal societies where women are oppressed. They identify physical violence as being at the base of patriarchy, but they think that patriarchy can be defeated if women recognize their own value and strength, establish a sisterhood of trust with other women, confront oppression critically, and form female-based separatist networks in the private and public spheres. Structural oppression theories posit that women’s oppression and inequality are a result of capitalism, patriarchy, and racism. Socialist feminists agree with Karl Marx and Freidrich Engels that the working class is exploited as a consequence of capitalism, but they seek to extend this exploitation not just to class but also to gender. Intersectionality theorists seek to explain oppression and inequality across a variety of variables, including class, gender, race, ethnicity, and age. They offer the important insight that not all women experience oppression in the same way, and that the same forces that work to oppress women and girls also oppress people of color and other marginalized groups. One way in which structural oppression of women, specifically the economic kind, manifests in society is in the gender wage gap, which shows that men routinely earn more for the same work than women. An intersectional view of this situation shows us that women of color, and men of color, too, are even further penalized relative to the earnings of white men. In the late 20th century, this strain of feminist theory was extended to account for the globalization of capitalism and how its methods of production and of accumulating wealth center on the exploitation of women workers around the world.

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